Perhaps Obama is once again demonstrating political agility, showing everyone how this kind of thing is done: Let’s clean up this little mess so we can get back to the bigger issues, like this whopper of a health care bill I’m trying to get passed. But there’s a risk to today’s event, the risk that the whole thing looks less like teaching than like backtracking—an attempt to unruffle the feathers of the law-and-order types who were vocally pissed when Obama said Crowley “acted stupidly” in ordering Gates out of his home and arresting him for disorderly conduct. In that sense, Obama seems to be doing the very thing that he’s been doing for months, to the frustration of many of his supporters, which is backing off his original strong, truthful language in order to “calibrate” for the sake of making sure everyone is a little bit satisfied at the end of the day.
In this case, the truth—that it was “stupid” of the Cambridge police to arrest a man in his own home for being disorderly, since in fact his “disorderly” behavior had been prompted by their insistence that his presence in his own home was suspicious—was apparently more than Obama could get away with speaking. This strikes me as absurd. As Jol’s New York Minutes noted:
But the story of Gates’s arrest has been, from the moment it rocketed into the news, a story of competing narratives. There are of course the contrasting versions of what happened that day between Gates and Crowley. But there are also the larger cultural narratives at work: the irony of the scholarly, elderly professor living in a good neighborhood but mistaken for a criminal by a neighbor; the narrative of the victimized black man, who no matter how successful he is—or, in Gates’s case, how elderly, disabled (he walks with a cane) or close to (or inside of) his own home he stands—is still a target for the cops; the narrative of the “uppity Negro,” dragged to the stockades when he tries to claim his power (a narrative that not only pertains to Gates’s arrest but to Obama’s backtracking); the narrative of snobbery: Gates the upper-middle class, well-connected, college-educated man speaking down to a civil servant (he allegedly yelled at Crowley, “Do you know who you’re messing with?”); the narrative of the good cop who for all his best intentions nonetheless can’t surpass the historical biases of his profession, can’t admit he’s wrong, won’t apologize and so, in the end, has to be pacified with that manliest of American beverages, a domestic beer.For the Cambridge police to demand an apology from the president for calling their utterly inept actions ‘stupid’ is akin to a restaurant's demanding an apology from a food critic for pronouncing a pot of feces stew ‘unappetizing’ upon first bite.
The supreme irony for me is Henry Louis Gates himself: the author of, among other works, Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Black Man, a series of essays about American black men who rose to cultural prominence and thus came to signify something about their race. After a lifetime of looking at black men’s lives, Gates himself is the black man in the spotlight, being looked at from every possible angle, being reduced from an individual to a symbol: of race, of class, of masculinity, of scholarship and education. The situation attached itself to ready-made narratives; were Gates to write about this incident, he’d likely return the protagonist some of his specificity, which is to say his dignity. Perhaps he soon will.
I just read Thirteen Ways, after finding it in used bookstore the very day the Cambridge police held a news conference to defend Crowley against Obama’s use of “stupidly.” I’d previously read Gates’s work piecemeal (most of the essays in Thirteen Ways were published first in the New Yorker, in the 1990s), but it seemed important to read the book all the way through, to look not just for insights into the lives of the men he profiles—James Baldwin, Colin Powell, Bill T. Jones, OJ Simpson, Louis Farrakhan, Harry Belafonte, Anatole Broyard and Albert Murray—but to glean Gates’s larger, unifying argument, and to figure out what that might say about Gates himself. Could I learn a little about him through his writing about other men like him?
As is often the case with essay collections, the accumulated topical writing coalesces to create an autobiographical portrait of the author, and the portrait that emerges here is far from the loudmouth firebrand that some coverage of the arrest has attempted to create. Gates’s writing is analytical, occasionally lyrical and posited from a belief in cultural integration. He is most attuned to fellow writers like Baldwin and Murray, who wrote about race not from a position of separatism or victimhood but from the notion of how the races share a common human fate, and a common responsibility. He’s least sympathetic to Farrakahn, whom he notes as intelligent and charming and then piece-by-rational-piece takes him apart, for his anti-Semitism, his loony paranoia and his squandered claims to leadership. As for Broyard—the former New York Times book critic who spent his entire adult career taking advantage of his light skin coloring to pass as white, not only in public but to his own children—Gates finds him a bit sad, and certainly misguided. When it comes to racial identity, Gates notes, “You cannot opt out…. Racial recusal is a forlorn hope…racelessness is never a possibility.”
Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Black Man was published in 1997, and it bears the faded tint of yesterday’s news—the Million Man March, the Simpson Trial, the rise of Colin Powell’s political fortunes after the first Gulf War. But its focus on the narratives that attach themselves to the lives of prominent black men, and his attempt to retrieve individuality for his subjects from those narratives, seems absolutely ripe for the situation today. I haven’t read anything that Gates has written about Obama’s ascendancy, but I suspect that he’d approve of how Obama was handling not only this personal incident, but current affairs in general. “Black America needs allies more than it needs absolution,” Gates noted back when Bill Clinton was being facetiously referred to as our “first black president.” Perhaps that was why Gates has stepped away from suggestions that he might sue the Cambridge police, now that the possibility of bonding over a brew has emerged. At the same time, the pull to see his blackness as a pure experience never to be understood by white oppressors—blackness as, essentially, a more authentic identity than whiteness—is something he admits is difficult to resist: “You might inveigh against, say, the ideology of authenticity, but in some measure you participate in it all the same.”
Weighing these competing pressures, he asks of his various black male subjects, “How does it feel to be a paradox?” I suspect not only Gates but Obama, too, is living out that paradox once again today, while the rest of us sit back and look at them, trying to decide what they mean.